
By Katrina Leclerc, PhD candidate at Saint-Paul University and chair of the WPSN-C
As Canada welcomes a newly elected government, global headlines paint a grim picture: mass displacement in Sudan, relentless violence in Gaza, democratic backsliding in Myanmar, and sustained insecurity in Haiti, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Ukraine, and countless other regions. Women’s rights and peacebuilding work are under threat in nearly every context. These are not isolated crises—they are deeply gendered and interconnected. At the same time, we are facing what many have called a global backlash against feminist values, human rights defenders, and multilateral cooperation.
The world is watching how Canada will respond.
This global attention is not incidental—Canada has long been regarded as a leader in advancing the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda. From our historic role in championing UN Security Council Resolution 1325 to investments in grassroots women peacebuilders, Canada has often helped set the tone for what feminist foreign policy can look like in practice. Now, with crises mounting and democratic values under pressure, the international community is looking to Canada to step up once again.
At this critical juncture, the government has both the opportunity and the responsibility to demonstrate principled leadership by prioritizing the WPS agenda. This is not a matter of political affiliation or partisan interest—it is a matter of fulfilling Canada’s long-standing international commitments and responding meaningfully to today’s overlapping crises. The time for action is now.
One Year Into Canada’s WPS National Action Plan: Where Do We Stand?
In March 2024, Canada launched its third National Action Plan on WPS (CNAP3), renewing its commitment to advance gender equality, prevent conflict, and support women’s leadership in peace and security. This plan included welcome advancements—among them, expanded departmental buy-in, the integration of climate, security, and cyber priorities, and a recognition of intersectional and intergenerational experiences of conflict (see full WPSN-C members analyses here).
But one year in, the National Action Plan continues to face significant challenges. Despite several calls by civil society (see here and here), Canada no longer has a WPS Ambassador—unlike other key allies such as Norway and the Netherlands. This is a missed opportunity for global leadership and coordinated action.
A Canadian WPS Ambassador serves as a visible and effective champion for gender-responsive foreign policy across multilateral, bilateral, and humanitarian settings. They are well placed to:
- Integrate WPS across Canada’s diplomatic and development efforts;
- Ensure consistent implementation of CNAP3;
- Act as a liaison with grassroots women’s rights organisations globally;
- Represent Canada in international fora with credibility and coherence.
This is not about symbolism—it is about structure and strategy. An Ambassador provides the necessary institutional leadership to ensure that WPS is not sidelined or siloed, but fully embedded in how Canada understands and responds to global security challenges.
A Political Moment Demanding Courage
We know that gender justice, peacebuilding, and human rights are under attack. Yet too often, responses are cautious, delayed, or defensive. Canada’s next chapter must be one of courage—of standing up for feminist principles even when they are politically inconvenient.
This includes supporting women’s rights defenders in Gaza, DRC, and Sudan, advocating for accountability in Myanmar and Ukraine, and funding long-term peace work in places that rarely make headlines. It means safeguarding the right to dissent, including within Canada, and ensuring our foreign policy aligns with our values.
It also means resisting the urge to politicize the WPS agenda. Feminist foreign policy is not neutral, it is necessarily disruptive to patriarchal systems of power. But it is not—and must never be—a partisan wedge issue.
What We Need from This Government
The incoming government has an opportunity to set a different tone, one grounded in collaboration, consistency, and courage. To do so, it must:
- Fully implement CNAP3: Resource it properly. Work with civil society. Create clear, measurable outcomes. Make accountability real.
- Appoint a new WPS Ambassador: Elevate the agenda with strategic leadership. Give WPS the institutional weight it needs to succeed.
- Fund feminist peacebuilding: Invest in local women’s rights organizations, both globally and in Canada. Prioritize flexible, long-term funding for work rooted in communities.
- Lead with integrity in multilateral spaces: Push for a revitalized UN system that centres justice and human rights. Stand by women peacebuilders, youth, and 2SLGBTQIA+ human rights defenders—even when it is politically unpopular.
- Treat WPS as integral to both foreign and domestic policy: From arms exports to refugee protection, from climate policy to international assistance, gendered analysis must not be optional. Canada must also confront the false binary between “domestic” and “international” action. WPS is not an “over there” issue—its principles apply at home as much as abroad, from how we welcome asylum seekers to how we engage Indigenous women leaders in peace and security dialogues.
Dear Canadian Elected Officials: Now Is the Time
The WPS agenda was never meant to be easy. It calls on governments to confront power imbalances, elevate marginalized voices, and rethink what security actually means. But it is precisely in moments of crisis that bold leadership matters most.
Canada has made commitments. The question is whether this government will follow through. The path ahead is clear, we do not need to start from scratch. But we do need sustained, accountable political will.
The global moment demands it. Women peacebuilders are calling for it. And the new government has the chance to answer.
The views in this blog are those of the authors only and do not necessarily represent those of the WPSN-C or its membership.
